OPINION - Europe’s wake-up call: Can it defend itself without US?

• Controversial remarks by top US officials have sent shockwaves through European capitals, casting doubt on Washington’s long-term commitment to European security and its leadership of the political West
  
  The author is a policy analyst at the European Policy Centre

ISTANBUL

Transatlantic relations have hit severe turbulence in recent weeks, triggered by US President Donald Trump’s unilateral announcement of direct peace talks with Russia over Ukraine—without prior consultation with Kyiv or European allies. The situation escalated further when US Vice President J.D. Vance delivered a confrontational speech at the Munich Security Conference, claiming that the greatest threat to Europe is not Russia or China, but "the enemy within." Trump later fueled tensions by branding Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy “a dictator” and blaming Ukraine, rather than Russia, for the war. These controversial remarks by top US officials have sent shockwaves through European capitals, casting doubt on Washington’s long-term commitment to European security and its leadership of the political West—an authority it has maintained since World War II and solidified through its Cold War victory.

While calls for increased European defense spending are not new, open hostility from a sitting US president toward America's closest allies is unprecedented. Trump’s recent adoption of Kremlin rhetoric on Ukraine, coupled with his eagerness to strike a quick deal with Moscow and normalize relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin—while disregarding European security—poses an existential challenge for Europe. European leaders now find themselves fighting on two fronts: confronting an aggressive, expansionist Russia while also navigating a Washington that increasingly views Europe as weak, opportunistic, and an obstacle to a swift resolution in Ukraine. This moment was not entirely unexpected. However, Europe has long preferred hitting the snooze button rather than facing the reality that to be taken seriously on the world stage, it must strengthen its defense, sharpen its foreign policy, and adopt a more agile and proactive approach to global affairs.

Liberal internationalism is dead?

Europe has long viewed the world through the lens of liberal internationalism, believing that the same principles that helped the continent overcome its own divisions after two world wars could be applied globally. This vision assumes that greater integration, democracy, and multilateralism will ultimately lead to a more stable and peaceful world - an expectation that has repeatedly clashed with Washington’s more pragmatic, and at times unilateral, approach. While the US has led in establishing key multilateral institutions like the United Nations and World Trade Organization, it has never fully embraced liberal internationalism. Washington has often preferred bilateral dealings when they served its interests and, at times, has not hesitated to use force - even against the will of its closest allies.

The world has changed dramatically since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, an increasing number of countries, particularly in the so-called Global South led by China, have challenged the rules-based international order, viewing it as a system designed by the West for its own benefit. Paradoxically, the United States under Donald Trump has echoed this skepticism, retreating from institutions it once championed.

The European Union is right to argue that a rules-based order is far preferable to a world where power alone dictates outcomes. However, to preserve this system, or at least what remains of it, Europe must do more than just defend it in words; it must be willing to fight for it. This means strengthening its own defense and deterrence while significantly increasing military and financial support for Ukraine. If negotiations take place, Ukraine must negotiate from a position of strength—not from weakness.

What should Europe do?

By strengthening its militaries and speaking with a unified voice on foreign policy, Brussels would send a clear signal to Washington that Europe is not to be bypassed and must be taken seriously as a strategic player. A position of strength is also essential in countering Moscow, whose ambitions extend beyond Ukraine. Therefore, it is crucial for Europe to prove that it is willing and capable of defending its own security interests, as it is weakness that drives Moscow’s aggression. The rules-based international order is being challenged right at Europe’s doorstep. Who better than Europe should have the primary interest in defending it?

That said, while Europe must step up, the United States must also recognize that alienating its European allies by appeasing Moscow only plays into the hands of its greatest strategic rival, China. For over 75 years, the transatlantic alliance has not only secured Europe but also advanced US interests and global influence. Most importantly, if the new US administration aims to counter China, Iran, and North Korea, it must prevent a Russian victory in Ukraine. Such a defeat would be viewed by Washington’s rivals as a catastrophic blow to US global standing and resolve, signaling that America has relinquished its role as the world’s leading power.

*Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Anadolu's editorial policy.